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done what no other sumo insider had previously done: named names. Of the 281 wrestlers covered in the data cited above, they identified 29


crooked wrestlers and 11 who were said to be incorruptible. What happens when the whistle-blowers corroborating evidence is factored into the analysis of the match data? In matches between two supposedly corrupt wrestlers, the wrestler who was on the bubble won about 80 percent of the time. In bubble matches against a sup- posedly clean opponent, meanwhile, the bubble wrestler was no more likely to win than his record would predict. Furthermore, when a supposedly corrupt wrestler faced an opponent whom the whistle-     blowers did not name as either corrupt or clean, the results were nearly as skewed as when two corrupt wrestlers met-suggesting that most wrestlers who werent specifically named were also corrupt.       So if sumo wrestlers, schoolteachers, and day-care parents all cheat, are we to assume that mankind is innately and universally corrupt? And if so, how corrupt? The answer may lie in . . . bagels. Consider the true story of a man named Paul Feldman. Once upon a time, Feldman dreamed big dreams. Trained as an agricultural economist, he wanted to tackle world hunger. Instead, he took a job in Washington, analyzing weapons expenditures for the U.S. Navy. This was in 1962. For the next twenty-odd years, he did more of the same. He held senior-level jobs and earned good money, but he wasnt fully engaged in his work. At the office Christmas party, colleagues would introduce him to their wives not as "the head of the public research group" (which he was) but as "the guy who brings in the bagels." The bagels had begun as a casual gesture: a boss treating his em- ployees whenever they won a research contract. Then he made it a habit. Every Friday, he would bring in some bagels, a serrated knife, and cream cheese. When employees from neighboring floors heard